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REMARKS BY 



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CHARLES BLANCHARD, OF OTTAWA, ILLIK01^^^: 

Published in the Ottawa Republican, April 4 c& 11, JBGo 




The position of Chief Justice of the 
State of Illinois, is enviable and of com- 
mauding influence when filled hy an able 
jivrist liiie Justice Caton. And when 
an opinion emanates from him in liia 
official capacity, its legal efficacy is un- 
?!uestioned. But when the Chief Jus- 
tice in an unofficial capacity spreads up- 
on record an opinion upon any secular 
subject of general interest, it ia the right 
and inestimable privilege, of the most 
humble American citizen to criticise the 
same, and controvert, if he can, the al- 
leged facts therein stated, and the de- 
ductions therefrom. 

As an humble and obscure citizec I 
desire, in a spirit of becoming modest3% to 
attempt a controversion of sume of the 
positions taken by Chief Justice Caton 
in his letter to (jrov. Seymour, Decem- 
ber lS.lb62. 

First we quote so much of said letter 
as relates to the cause of the present re- 
bellion: 

"iJefore tlie smoke of tlie political battle of ISGO 
by wliicli Mr. Lincoln Avas placed in lJO^\e^, had 
vieared awny, a civil war was inau<;urated, which 
hud boon pr'jvoked and induced, thougii certainly 
net justified by the wild fanaticism of tlie Icadera 
of tiio party wiiieh had placed Mr. Lincoln in pow- 
er, and Deiiiocrrts were called iip<.'n to go and 
shed their blood and expend their sub,sist;jnce in a 
war whicli they believed mi^ht have been avoided 
by a proper conciliatory course, which they recoui- 
meneod; but had been treated with coutuineiy by 
those in jiower." 

A proper analysis of the language 
X|uoted, leads to several conclusions: First 
that the supporters of Mr. Lincoln caus- 
ed the war, and are consequently respon- 
sible for it. The Chief Justice sayji that 
"they.'" the leaders of the party that 
placed Mr. Lincoln in power, '"provoked'' 
[made angry] and "induced" [persua- 
ded by motives and caused] this war. 
Then it necessarily follows that if the 
supporters of Mr. Lincoln, "provoked 
and induced," the Breckenridce wing ot 



the democratic party to rebel againflfe 
the Government, they are aiders and 
abetters of treason, and equally guilty 
with those who are now in arras against 
the Government. Did the Chief Justice 
intend to make such a charge? To saj 
the least, the Chief Justice does make, 
the charge that the supporters of Mr. 
Lincoln were guilty of a great wrong, 
for the reason that they "provoked and 
induced" civil war. How did they pro- 
voke and induce civil war? The Chief 
Justice says, "by their wild fanaticism." 
In what did their ''wild fanaticism" con- 
sist? The Chief Justice does not par- 
ticularize; but every intelligent citizea 
knows that the supporters of Mr. Lin- 
cola were not in power during the political 
battle of 1860, and that the main issue 
of that battle grew out of the slavery 
question. Upon that issue the position 
of his supporters was clearly and truth- 
fully enunciated in tho Chicago platform, 
and roads as follows: "That the normal 
condition of all the territories of the 
United States is that of freedom * ''■ 
and we deny the authority of congress, 
of a territorial Legislature or any indi- 
viduals to give legal existence to slavery 
in any of the territories of the United 
States." 

The supporters of Mr. Douglas and 
Mr. Breckinridge traversed the issue 
thus presented, and put themselves upon 
the country. The contest was a warm 
and bitter one, and the supporters of Mr. 
Lincoln by the aid of their "wild fanati-- 
cism," as we suppose, won the political 
battle of 1860, That Mr. Lincoln was 
constitutionally electcdi is conceded. 
Now, we ask the Chief Justice if there iis 
anything in tUe constitution of the Uni- 
ted States Gs in the laws made in pnrsa- 
anee thereof. that prohibited tbe suppor- 
ters of Mr» Lincoln from tendering that 







.l«Av 



issue! Is tlic advocacy of the timo-Iion- 
orod principle that ''there shall be neith- 
er slavery nor involuntary servitude in 
the Territories, otherwise than in the 
dunisbmert of crimes, vrhereot the party 
bhall have been duly convicted," [Ordi- 
nance of 1T7G,] a violation of any moral 
or divine law? The Chief Justice will 
liardly join issue with the immortal 
Jelferson upon that question. Yet 
we defy any one to prove that there 
was tmy other issue that pave oifencc. 
Did the supporters of Mr. Lincoln do 
more than to exercise their lawful rights 
and privileges as American citizens in a 
lawful manncrV Yet the exercise of such 
rights gave offense, and "provoked and 
induced" civil war. The conclusion then 
is that whenever the adoption of certain 
political principles by a constitutional 
majority in a constitution fil manner 
would give offense to the minority, then 
such con.stitutional majority should yield 
tiicir riglit to adopt such principles for 
foar that their adoption might provoke 
aad induce a civil war. 

■ 0, progressive democracy thou art a 
jofwcl. 

• We ask tiic Chief Justice if tlie sup- 
porters of 3Ir. Douglas are not equally 
chargeable with having "provoked and 
induced'' civil war by their "wild fanati- 
cism'" in refusing to yield their political 
opinions and preferences to the Brcck- 
enridge wing of tTieir party? The fanat- 
ioism of the supporters of ISlv. Douglas 
in the political battle of 1^60, was so 
wild and bitter that it resulted in a dis- 
integration of the democratic partv, 
thereby securing the election of iSIr. Lin- 
coln. Who introduced discord into the 
happy family of Demoercy whon they 
a.'J«embled at Charleston in 18(J0 to 
make their nominations? Was it the 
supporters of Mr. l^incoln? Verily not. 
What was it that caused the irreconcil- 
able separation between tlie friends of 
Mr. Douglas and those of Mr. ]3reckin- 
ridiie? Ah, it was the same everlastintr 
niggcr. The Dcmgli.s portion of the fanj- 
ily insisted upon incorporating into their 
platform the proposition tliat the people 
of the territories had the right to deter- 
mine for themselves whether slavery, 
should exist therein or not, while tluj 
iireckenriuge portion of the same family, 
insisted upon inserting in the platform 
the proposition that slavery exinted in 
the territories by virtue of the constitu- 
tion of the United States, and the peopL; 
of th:i territories had no power to prohib- 
it its existence therein. 

Neither of the adherents to these re- 



spccti^vc propositions would yipld to the' 
other, the child "non-intervention" was 
the legitimate offspring of the democratic 
party, its 'birth had occasioned the party 
nnverc: travail, it was then barely ccnyva- 
lescont and the Douglas pcrtiou of the 
party were apprehon.-^ive that if t;jov for- 
sook the child it would cause a fatal re- 
lapse, therefore they refused to for^^ake 
their first born. Thereupoii the IJreck- 
enridge portion of the party arose took 
up their black child of discor'i, whicfi 
the}' had sought to substitute as an im- 
provement for non-intervention awl de- 
parted never more to return. Why did 
not the Chief Jnstioe then send the 
lightning coursing along the wires, con- 
veying to Douglas and his friends the 
intelligence thtit they mast yield t^' trhe 
demand of Breckenridge and his frieuvis^ 
or they might give offence and thereby 
'•provoke and induce" civil war by their 
''wild fanaticism," upon the slavery 
question? No such message was sent. — 
They yield their political principiea and 
preferences? No! neverl They ad- 
journed to meet subsequently at Dalti- 
more There they met. A reconcilia- 
tion was attempted. Douglas and his- 
friends refused to yield. C'onsequently, 
Breckenridge and Douglas ^-ere both 
Democratic nominees and l)oth defeated. 
Why did not the friends of Mr. Douglas 
support Mr. Brcfkenridgo and elect him? 
Then tliere would have been no war. It 
would be begging the tjucstion to say 
that the result showed that Breckenridge 
could not have been elected, for that fact 
was not known to the supporters of Doug- 
las, when they were "provoking and in- 
ducing" civil war by their "wild lanati- 
cisni" ill the Charleston and Baltimore 
conventions. One faction of the Demo- 
cratic party i>y yielding to another fac- 
tion ot the Democratic party, would have 
made a much lc.^s sacrifice of piineiple 
than the supporters of Mr. Lincoln would 
have made by 3-ielding to cither faction 
of the deinoeraticic party. But suppose 
the .supporters of Mr. Jjincoln had su])- 
ported Mr. Douglas and secured his elec- 
tion, would that havfi avoided the war? 
Would the rebellious portion of the (rov- 
crnment have been reconciled to his elec- 
tion! If they would have been so rcr- 
oncilcd, why did they cast him out with 
such malignity at the Charleston conven- 
tion and thereby destroy the power of the 
democratic party? Why did they not 
elect him when they had the power to 
do so, or supposed they had? No, they 
would not have been reconciled. The 
experience of political parties, shows that 



3 



■n'nen some discordaut clement is thrown 
into a party, which produces an aliena- 
tion, the contetifc between the tactions be- 
ooraes more sanguinary and bitter than 
it is between parties that have always 
been at variance. 

There is only one argument in favor 
of the propofe'ition that th^e election of 
Douglas, of itself, would have avoided 
the war, and that is, that the democratic 
party would have been firmly united, 
and consequently the rebels could have 
anticipafted no sympathy, or aid and com- 
fort from the north, escept from now 
and then an abolitionist of tlie old school 
like the E-ev. George W. Bassett, who 
in now quasi allied with the democratic 
party. 

It will be remembered that Mr. Doug- 
las received but twelve doctoral votes. 
Nino from Missouri, and three out of 
{^even of the electoral votes of New Jer- 
sey, one State only casting its entire vote 
for Mr. Dongla-3, and that State only 
semi-loyal. 

Secondly, the war might have been 
avoided by a proper conciliatory course. 
The Cliief Justice does not give his opin- 
ion as to what would have boon a proper 
conciliatory course, but asserts, in sub- 
Btancc. that they, the democratic party, 
commenced anew such a conciliatory 
course, but were treated with contumely 
by those in power. V^e are in the dark 
as to the time when they first commenced 
a proper conciliatory course ; possibly it 
was at the Charleston convention. But 
we are informed that they recommenced, 
or commenced anew a proper conciliato- 
ry course before the smoke of the politi- 
cal battle of ISGO had cleared away, 
uhicli must have bean prior to the 12th 
of April, 18G1, fur upon that day com- 
raen-ced the bombardment of Fort Sump- 
ter. which inaugurated this civil war for 
which the Broekenridge members of tho 
democratic party had been preparing 
for at least five months, xmder the au- 
spices of a democratic administration, 
which was placed in power by the united 
action of the Douglas and Brcckcnridge 
members of the democratic family. 

But the democratic party failed in its 
attempt to avoid the war by the proper 
conciliatory course which they had re- 
commenced. Why did they fail ? be- 
cause they had been treated with con- 
tumely by those iu power: " by those 
In power," we suppose the Chief Justice 
must mean the Lincoln administration, 
for he would hardly charge upon a dem- 
ocrat.c administration the "unpardona- 
ble sin '" of treatinjT the d-enjocratic 



jjarty with contamdy for pursuing cs 
"proper conciliator}'" course towards 
a disaffected portion of the party, for 
the purpose of avoiding a civil war with 
such disaffected portion. 

But first let us inquire what facilities 
Mr. Lincoln or his supporters had for 
pursuing a "proper conciliatory course." 

The Buchanan democratic adminisora- 
tion did not ex[)ire until the 4th of March, 
1861, at which time the Liucoln admin- 
istration commenced ; then prior to the 
4th Of March, 1861, the supporters of 
Mr. Douglas and Breckenridge had tiic 
supreme power in the Legislative, Exec- 
utive and Judicial departments of the 
Government, consequently all the facili- 
ties of conciliation were in their posses- 
sion. A high order of de-raocratic talent 
reigned in all the departments of Gov- 
ernment. 

General Breckenridge, of the rebel 
army, was Vice-President of the United 
States, the Confederate President, Da- 
vis, was a Senator from 3Iississippi. — • 
Brigadier-General Floyd was Secretary 
of AVar, Howell Cobb, Secretary of the- 
Treasury, Jacob Thompson, Secretary of 
the Interior, and a host of other distin- 
guished democrats, renowned for their 
party fealty and infinite resources, all of 
whom have since distinguished them- 
selves in the Confederate Government. 
They ought to have devised' some proper 
conciliatory course to have avoided the 
war if they so desired'. The Lincoln 
administration was not in a position to 
treat them with contatnely if it would. 

During the month of November, 1800, 
South Caroliua an-l Georgia voted mon- 
ey to arm the States for resistance, and 
secession convention.s were held at 
Charleston. Mobile and Milledgville. 

On the third day of December, 1800, 
Congress assembled, both branches hav- 
ing a democratic majority, and disunion 
speeches were made in both branches by 
democratic members. During the month 
of December, South Carolina renounced* 
her allegiance, and her luemberB with- 
drew from Congress. The States of 
Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, and 
Florida did likewise in the month of 
January, 1801, and ill the month of 
February, Louisiana did the same. Tex- 
as did the same March 4th, 1861. In 
December; I860; Mr. Buchanan being 
desirous of pursuing a proper concilia- 
tory course, refused to reinforce Fore 
Moultrie. Mr. Cass, Secretary of State,, 
being opposed to Mr. Buchanan's con- 
ciliatory course, resigned Prior to the 
4th of Msjch, 1861:, ueurly all the gov- 



ernment property in tbe seceded States 
had been seized by the rebels, — and so 
on to the end of the national catalogue 
of crimes. Thus we sec seven States 
renouncing their allegiance to the gov- 
ernment under a democratic administra- 
tion, and the members of Congress from 
those States politely confessing their 
crime in the National Capitol with impu- 
nity. It was thought best by those then 
in power to ^dopt a proper conciliatory 
<;ourse, without any contumacious treat- 
ment, and they were permitted to de- 
part to their respective States, there to 
iifht up the flame of civil war. 

Now* it is self evident that when the 
above named acts of secession were in 
prosress, the Lincoln administration pos- 
sess'ed no power to act in the matter. 
Mr. Lincoln could not have treated with 
contumely those who had re-com.menced 
a proper conciliatory course. 

Jefferson Davis was inaugurated Pres- 
ident of the Confederate Government 
on the eighteenth day of February, 
18G1, and organised his Cabinet on the 
twenty-iirst of the same month. Thus 
was the Buchanan democratic adminis- 
tration delivered of the bastard Confed- 
erate Government, which was begotten 
by the oscillations of the Breckcnridge 
and Douglas democrats, and is to-day 
the only surviving offspring of the bach- 
elor President. On the second of March, 
1861, the democratic Congress adjourned, 
after repeated unsuccessful attempts to 
amend the Constitution so as to legalize 
tbeir action, and recognize their unnatu- 
ral offspaing as legitimate ; and the 
grand culmination of that democratic 
administration still lives to torment its 
progenitors. 

On the fourth of March, 1861, Mr. 
Lincoln was inaugurated President of 
these United States. His inaugural 
was mild and conciliatory towards the 
disaffected States. Mr. Douglas an- 
nounced publicly that he was satisfied 
with the sentiments therein expressed. 

The thirty-sixth Congress expired on 
the fourth of March, and had adjourned 
on the second. The thirty-seventh Con- 
gress could not legally assemble until 
December, 1861, unless a special session 
was ordered by the President, and the 
President, by law, could only convene 
Congress by issuing his proclamation 
therefor. It was impossible to convene 
Congress before the twelfth of April, 
1861, when the bombardment ot Fort 
Sumpter commenced ; and without con- 
gressional action, it is self-evident to 
every reasonable man that Mr. Lincoln 



could not have adopted any proper con- 
ciliatory course that would have been at 
all efficacious under the madness that 
then ruled the hour. 

But, notwithstanding all this, the 
Chief Justice, with exalted patriotism, 
would advise his democratic friends to 
shut their eyes to all that has' gone be- 
fore, and hush the involuntary murmur- 
ings that the war was " needlessly pro- 
voked " by that "wild fanaticism" 
which defeated them at the polls, and 
rush to the ranks under Mr. Lincoln, 
only remembering that their country 
and its constitution are in danger. Was 
ever such unalloyed patriotism and chris- 
tian charity witnessed before. Yes, the 
Constitution is in danger. It was ig- 
nored under the Buchanan democratic 
administration ; it is recognised by the 
Lincoln administration. 

Tbe Lincoln administration had been 
in powei forty days when this civil war 
was inaugm-ated at f'ort Sumpter ; yet 
it is proclaimed, with apparent candor, 
that the Lincoln administration in that 
forty days could have adopted a proper 
conciliatory course, that would have 
avoided the war, effectually re-arranged 
the machinery of the government, caused' 
the rebellious States to have resumed 
their allegiance, restored unto the gov- 
ernment its stolen property, dissipated 
the rebellious spirit engendered under 
the Buchanan democratic administra- 
tion, and caused gentle peace to have re- 
sumed her wonted sway over the hearts 
and consciences of perjured men. How 
absurd and ridiculous the conclusion. 

But, notwithstandmg the democratic 
party was defeated at the polls, in the 
political battle of 1860, by the " wild 
fanaticism" of the supporters of Mr. 
Lincoln, thereby "provoking and indu- 
cing civil war on the part of the Breck- 
cnridge wing of the democratic party, 
the Chief Justice is in favor of a vigor- 
ous prosecution of the war. He says — 

'• The war must be prosecuted earnestly, and to 
the last ; not to crush and conquer the South, 
but to crush and conquer the rebellion. If a ten 
years' war is necessary, rather than give up the 
Union, they accept it, — sorrowfully, it is true, but 
earnestly." 

'• We must show no lukewarmness, or hesitancy 
iu sustaining or prosecuting a war which, if aban- 
doned by the people, must result in a dismember- 
ment of the Union, the destruction of the Consti- 
tution, and a disgrace to this people, which must 
attach to them and their posterity through ull 
time."' 

The Chief Justice seems to speak au- 
thoritatively when he says — 

" That a vast majority of the old democratic 
party, — that is to say, the- D-ouglas portion of it, 
« * « « * jj(. igagt in t^ia west, » * * * 

are fixed iu their determination thit the war must 



5 



ce prosecuteJ till there'uellion is put di/wn, or till 
those in revolt will Eubcnit to the Governuient of 
the Constitution. Indeed, this follows as & rieces- 
«ary consoqtieneo upon the dctc-nninatiou not to 
siibnut to !i disnionibertKeiit o^' the Union, which, 
as bof'oro stated, must be looked upon ii3 'x .-iettled 
question, at least in the west. 

* * * The northern demiieriicy stands 
now wher.; it has ever stood. It will support, at 
all hazards, the integrity of the Union, while it 
will guarfintce to evjry <>ortion of it all tlic viichts 
and all the privilege stijiulated in the Constitu- 
tion , to this extent, and for these puriio-^t;:', the 
dcujooratic party must be considered a war par- 
ty, and i;i its support and prosecution, it will vin- 
dicate its ancient renown for steadiness of pur- 
pose, — fj- pursuing its object with a eahn and 
determined energy, whioli evinces its faith in its 
principles, and which ev«r has and ever will, in the 
end, aucure its triun.ph." 

Cbeering, indeou, h th-Q a.ssurance 
that, L'ome what, may, weal or woe, the 
North is to be ualted, and " tixcd in tlio 
.lotermiiiation that, tlio war must bo pros- 
ecuted till the rebellion bo put down." 
Since tbe deatii of the heroic Douglas, 
we have rarely received siteb as.?uranceji 
irom th/? leaders Oi his party, outside of 
:lie aruiy lines. Patriots will every- 
where lift up their heads a ad rejoice, if 
tho predictions of tho Chief Justice 
fchall be fiddled, as we noiv hope and 
b(.'lievc they will. 

But it seems to us tliat unselfish pa- 
triots would rejoice with exceeiling great- 
er joy if tho main incentive to the pa- 
tr-l»;ti3m of tiie Chief Justice was based 
npoii purer and nobler sentiments of 
[.'liilanthropy. 

The Chief Justice says, in substance, 
that the west has fought, and will con- 
■linue to £gh^ for the restoration of the 
l.'niou; that Illinois has furnished more 
than ten thousand troops above her quo- 
ta,— and wliy V we quote the Chief Jus- 
tice's o.w.n lauo;uao;e for the reason : 

" You are undoubtedly correct that the North- 
west wiU never consent to a sep-aratiou of the 
Union, leaving the lower Mississippi in a foreign 
jurisdiction. Our interests are agricultural, and 
upon a inaxkct for our products depends our well- 
being — I might almost say our existence. Before 
t!ic war we supplied tiie plantations of theS(jutli 
with their iiorses and mules, their corn and their 
bacon. This plantation market consumed most of 
tho products of the counties bordering u])on the 
Msssissippi anJ iis tributaries, and any surplus 
found its way to the Atlantic cities and foreign 
/jountries tlirough thit groat river. By the war 
tvo have lost this market and this outlet, and our 
■products, which formerly went South, havo been 
ibrown upon the northern transports and north- 
ern markets, overloading the former and glutting 
the latter. As an inevitable consequence, while 
money has depreciated nearly one-third, the price* 
of our great staples in the hands of our fHrmers 
hiivo remained stationary, or have receded ui some 
instances more than half. At tho last I'residen- 
tiil election, on the Ohio Kiver mules were worth 
trom one hundred and twenty-five to two hundred 
.and twenty- five dollars per head. Now our grai- 
icra cannot realize more than from sixty-five to 
eighty dollars per head, notwithstanding the great 
consumption by the army ; and horses have de- 
prcciuted in nearly th« tamo ratio. If other por- 
tions of the CQAintry have found means to mak* 
,in'.>ncy by the war, to the Tfestern agriculturist it 



has proved au unmitigated burden, which can only 
be relieved by,a restoration of peace and of tbp 
Union. The former without the latter would 
render permanent that which wc now look upon 
as but temporary. Uenee ha? the West fought, 
and so will she fight, not for the desolation of the 
South, and the final destruction of her planta- 
tions, but for the restoration of tho Union. Hence 
has Illinois furnished more than ten thousand 
troops above her quota. If a draft has been neces- 
sary in any portion of the West, it has not been 
where the influence of this plantation market has 
been directly felt. I repeat, we can never consent 
that the lower Mis.'-issipj'i shall pass into a foreign 
jurisdiction." 

Aside from partisan orcs, uo reason is 
assigned in the entire letter for a vigor- 
ous prosecution of the wai', and a resto- 
ration of the Union, except that assigned 
in the language last above quoted. And 
what is that? it maybe expressed in 
two words, — "plantation market." Wc 
are toid that "before the war we found 
a nnirket fcr our horses, mules, corn and 
bacon on southern plantations ; that 
nniles were then worth from on? hun- 
di'ed and tNWnty-live to two hundred and 
twent3'-five dollars per head. By the 
war we have lost that market." "Con- 
fisquently the price of our great staples 
in the hands of our farmers have re- 
mained stationary." " Mules are worth 
only from sixty-five to eighty dollars per 
head." (The culture of mules being 
a branch of tho Chief Justice's busi- 
ness, wf are not disposed to question 
the correctness of his figures. ) 

Without a restoration of the Union, 
this plantation market is permanently 
lost ; hence has the west fought, (to re- 
store ultimately the "plantation mar- 
ket.") Hence has Illinois furnished 
more than ten thousand men above her 
quota, (for the ultimate purpose of re- 
storing the "plantation market.") 

This argument is fair and legitimate, 
for the Chief Justice says, in the same 
connection, "If a draft has been neces- 
sary in any portion of the west, it has 
not been where the influence of this 
plantation market has been directly 
felt." What ! is it possible that the 
patriotism of Illinoi.s, or any portion of 
her people, derive their inspiration from 
the laws of trade and commerce as they 
existed in time of peace with southern 
plantations ? 

If so, have we not a clue to the bitter 
opposition made by Copperheads against 
tiie prosecution of tho war in such a 
manner as to endanger the future exist- 
ence of Slavery ? does not the value of 
southern "plantation markets," — in the 
judgment of the Copperhead race, — de- 
pend upon the existence of said institu- 
tion? 

Was it neceessary that the Chief Jus- 



t'-Q^.-ci the State of: IHinuis, should ad- mcnis and coruffnife -cf homo and social 

firt5t»3 sncli arf»umcnt3 to the Governor cf life for tliat lonely p'avo. do apk thut 

.Niew York, lo convince 'tlie Governor i^noat army of ]iatriots who aro to-day 

o'liit tljc "war iQUHt he ■prr.sooutod earn- on(iurin<T long and wearisome inarelies. 

(">t!y and to tho last?" Was tbe Kicli- f,irbjccting Ihomaolvrs to cdid, liinv:rcr and 

jnonj i.xoTO2J?f'r correct when it prt^dict- di.scase, and all the trial* and hardships 



ed thus: 

'■Wj are pvcpnri-dto sj(:.Ncw York m:ike <ini;(li- 
*r ^g*atic dti'ujr^Ie for she prwervution- of lh»i 
ooiTiUifrcial supi-cmaQ y . rcilijip? the U bpgiijiiing 
to ^os thut if the ivUelliiin, «s her low bci'ii rtw- 
<iie< term it. is .-uccossful, the wcrt will tect-de, nit<l 
t")Rn \vli:it-vvill bti'oiiie of tlu' l^aVA'lou of Amoyi- 
■ •■i' Ileiuen grnntthrfft hcrwor.'rt approhcufioiis 
.T.'.v !)« reaiized.'" 

The Chicl.-Ji3.siioe hv9 r.Fsurod tl.c 
Governor in his Ifcfter, "that thc.Norih- 
west wilJ. never content tothe -scj ara- 
tion of the Union, leavine; the W?:er Mis- 
aissifipi i'.s a foreign juri.sdiciion." "The 
Richmond L'jowiver intimates to Now 
York that if the rebellion is succcpstVl, 
t':-e west will secede.'' linn the ' Bab- 
vloa of America," with her "low born 
rcwdies" mv.st bc^rne an orimmental 
appendage to the New England Empire, 
■w.oere the dappled rays of light reflect- 
ed from the highest type of American 
Civilization — found only in Southern 
lonrts fr>r mules, horses, corn and bacon, 



leident to a camp life, ifr.pci'iling their 
lives upon the field of :b:lttlc. for what 
end is all this? Will the aoBwor como 
up from thope lonely ■.graTo?'. and from 
the living patriots,, that ithc stars and 
ptripes may float over plftstcation mark- 
ets ? Methinks T-foe the :lircs of patri- 
otism glow uponi^he cheek of the living 
Boldior, ns with seornfm look and fixed 
bayonet ho repels the unjust insinuation 
and procdaims that these great sacrifices 
are made and cnfjiircd fnr the perpetua- 
tion of tlie fundamental idea of tljo 
American Government, namely : "Thaf 
all men are cro&tcd equal, and endowed 
by tlioir Creator with certain inaliena- 
ble rights; among which are life, liberty 
and tlio pursuit of happiness," and that 
that flag which is emblematical of human 
freedom and civil liberty all round the 
world w-hcre civilization lias penetrated 
tlie abodes of humanity, may continue t<) 
wave over the consecrated craves of our 



>41 never penetrate her borders, 

vis it true that the glittering pri/.e of a rvovolutienary ancestors and, 
!*outherD plantation market lias influenced 
lilinoiw to furnish ten thousand men 
above her quota without drafting? If 
so. pool", dctpised, puritanical New Eng- 
lird ought to have the mantle of Chris- 
tian charity thrown over her for any sup 



O'or the land of the free. 
And the home of the bravu"' 

in all coming time. 

While loyal peot)le everywhere, will 

stand shoulder to shoulder with the Chief 

Justice in his determination to pn>.-iecute 



poaed dereliction of duty in furnishing the war to the last for the restoration of 
her qiiota, for she is not a producer of the Union, they will mourn with exced- 
.'nules, and has never been subjected to ing great sorrow that the Chief Justice, 

whose eminent abilities as a jurist are 
recognized by an appreciating people, 
could not have taken a higher and more 
God-Iikc view of the awful struggles of 
the American Republic, which are sha- 
king her foundations frora centre to cir- 
cumference. 

Docs the rhief Justice see notliing in 
this grand struggle but a war that was 
needlessly "provoked and induced" by 
especially of that portion whicli is un- the supjiortors of ^!r. Lincoln on ac- 
clsidition.dly for the Union, derives not count of the "imaginary wrongs" of the 
its inspiration from the laws of tvade and ncfrro. wagc<l for tho ultimate restora- 
commercc, its quantum cannot be ej>ti- tion of the democratic party and south- 
mated by a mathematical calculation of ern plantation markets? 
the advantages of markets, but it derives Tho •supporters of Mr. Lincoln in the. 



the portent, monied influences of these 
"plantation markets." 

■'Where is thiit soul of frcodom fled? 

Jramingl.fd with (lif mighty dead! 

ljf>iieath that hallowed tvivfivl crj Wall.Tce lies 

]l>^aritnct, ^>'aUace, in thy bed of deatlil 

"V'd bablir.g winds in silence .sweeji; 

Disturb jiot ye the hero's sloop, — 

Xor ;;ivc the coward Kccrijt breath. — 

Is this til 'J power in Froodoni's wiir 

I'bnt wont to bid the lattlo raire?'' 

Tbo Patriotism of the North-west, 



it.s inspiration frora the high and holy 
associations that cluster around tho mem- 
ories of the past. 

Go stand by the graves of our honor- 
ed dead slain in battle, and ask tho s'- 



battle of 1860, and those democrats 
who aro doing valiant service in thi.» 
great army of tho Union, see in thi.s 
orand struggle a terrible efl'ort being 
made by tho rebellious people to pull 



lent sleepers why they exchanged tho down and obliterate tho American tein- 
peacoful, parental mansion, the society pie of Liberty erected by our Ilevcdu- 
f<f their wir,-ee and little ones, the endear- tionary fathers, and dod'catci to tiie 



mm 



v>:*»i1(le63 of Liborty, who has been wwit 
to proclaim from the dome thereof, that 
tho great end and obJG(3t of the Ameri- 
can (rovernmeiit was t© ostablish hu- 
man freedom, and the equality of xnan, 
and o^stablish upon the ruiiw: theiocf 
an aristocratic form of govcrnnuiut, 
the chief corner stone of whi^h shall 
Jie .African slavery : consequently th«ir 
ultimate object in waging this war 
is to preserve tliat temple of .Lib": ty, 
that it may continue to expand- and rii^c 
liigher and liighcr, until its v.Gry dome 
shall pierce tlie clouds, andthe great end 
and object of tlie Amorioan Government, 
as prociaimod by tlie GoddfiriS of Liber- 
ty, is literally fulfilled. 

As before intimated, the Chief Jus- 
tice urges some partisan reasons i'or a 
vigorous prosecution of the war ; first, 
tlje ascendency of the democratic party 
depends upon it. If this argument is 
necessary to accomplish the object in- 
tended, we have not aught to say, ex- 
cept to deplore the condition of that 
man to whom such argtmieuts must be 
addressed to Hglit up the fires of patri- 
otism in his heart 

Again, tho C'liief Justice argues that 
the ascendency of the democratic party 
is a neces.sary condition precedent to a 
restoration of the Union ; that the rebels 
will not conclude a peace, or accept of 
terms of reconciliation, except proffered 
by their old allies, the northern demo- 
cratic party. This, we suppose, is upon 
the principle — to use a vulgar adage — ■ 
*' that the hair of iha dog is good for 
the bite.'' tVe have already shov/n that 
prior to tho inauguration of President 
Jjincoln, seven demoGratic States had 
declared themselves .out of the Union, 
(tailed home their .members of Congress 
imd commenced prcparatiuns for war ; 
that Fort Eumpter was beseiged, and 
not allowed provisions ; that members 
of the (.-abinet had gone to their home? 
to sound the tocsin of civil war ; that 
govtirnment pro]>erty was seized and ap- 
propriated u{)Ou our .soutlicrn seaboard, 
«.nd tho contcdc-rate government fully or- 
ganiKcd. All this was done, and much 
luoro, under " democratic iuQubnccs ; '' 
and now, forsooth, they vehemently do- 
(jiand that the sceptre of power be re- 
'iitored unto tbom, that they u\ay subject 
Mr. Lincoln to those democratic inllu- 
cncGS, thereby to restore the '-'■ .Union as 
it was, and the C^onstitutioii aa it is." 

What does tho Chief Justi.ie propose 
to have the democratic party do when 
r.he sr^eptre is once more wieldad by 
.thorn ? Do thoy prouoso to ?.ttcmpt a 



reconoilifition in tlis same manri'v.? thai 
the Buchanan democratic administration 
did? Th.oso were peaceful, and very 
conciliatory, and proved inetTe(3tual, be- 
cause, as the Chi«f Justice says,- — 

'When tho rol)i!llion>wa.s inaugurated, its pro- 
motcr.= profossoi! to leliete, and no iiouht inof't of 
them did belioTc, tlvit thpy iv'puld not only meet 
'vith f.vriipathy, but •'^*'ith inatM'ial BUpport, from 
file rieinoeiMtio prurty of the sl'i'ort.li ; and but for 
this belief it i? dMibtful if lliey eouUl have de- 
luded their ))eoplo-to such an 'extent :vs to hav» 
secured their aei"iuiesccnco in tho reA'olt. 

Then what moti wres will they adopt 
to save tho country" that was not adopted 
by the Buchanan democratic administra- 
tion '? Will they propose terms of peace 
upon a basis of a separation '! T^ct th« 
Chief Justice answer for himself. — 

''To cxSiie a reasonaldo hope that tlip South 
will roturnofci; the Union on the old husiv, it i? in- 
(lidpon.siihle that the}' should be di.-^ahn.-ed of the 
opinion that the deraoeratic party i.-f » pO!»ce party 
on the basis of separation, * * * * \'ietorie« 
must bo won before they will li.sten to ronton from 
a'ly party, and accept re-uniou on any terms. 
Wfjry she democrats in power to-dny, they miiiit 
win vi<itoriej before they could save tjie Ui:i<in." 

Thus we have the concession .that tho 
Ian<5oln administration can do nothing 
( except on the basis of separation, ) to 
8ave tho Union until victories arc won, 
and the army of tho rebellion defeated. 
Then, after victories are won, and their 
armies defeated, why will they not ac- 
cept terms of peace as readily from tho 
Lincoln admin i.stration as from a demo- 
cratic one? Jf the Douglas portion of 
the democratic party support Mr. Lin- 
coln in a vigorous prosecution of the 
war, as the Chief Justice advises them 
to do, then the rebellion army is defeat- 
ed by the jojnt action of tho supporter.^ 
of Mr. Lincoln in tho political battle of 
18GU, and the Douglas democrats, act- 
ing in obedience to the orders of their 
conHnan<lcr-in-chief, Mr. Lincoln, will 
the rebels then know any difiorence be- 
tween the political parties ooniposing 
the Union armyV Will it then avail 
any party to say to the rebellious ])eo- 
ple, in tho language of th.o C'liiff Jus- 
tiee,-- » 

■■ Wo pro.i'.H'-.i tfd the w;ir without malice anil vin 
iliotivoni;s,s, aad upon tho.se hu;Tia!:u and chri^tiaa 
l>fiiieiplcs which illn.-trate the cixiiizatios' o'f ihj 
great llepuhlic. Wo in:ida war with you, our 
brethren, for th<* .?ole fiurp'-st tiiat wu rnigli.t iivf 
with you in pca>.;o and amity. " 

One would natv,rallysu})po£o that if 
tho loaders of thi.s dire rebellion could 
be influenced by humane and chriutian 
treatment to ?,ecept teruvs of peace on 
the basis of uninn., the same ;;ipprecla- 
tion of humaii^ and christian principles 
would have tiotorred them from the 
commi.saion of perjury, aiid tho iuaugu- 
ratioR uf '^ivil w^r, with all its torrille. 



'Consequences. But no one opposes hu- 
mane and christian treatment, and the 
want of it cannot hgt charged upon the 
present adrainistration. 

But the democratic party demands 
the investment of power, because some 
of the war measures of the administra- 
tion are unconstitutional ; namely, the 
Emancipation Proclamation, Arbitrary 
Arre.sts, and the suspension, or rather 
supj)res!iion of tho writ of habeas cor- 
pus. Our inability -and modesty forbids 
our entering into t constitutional argu- 
ment with tlie learned Chief Justice up- 
(lu the constitutionality of these meas- 
ures. Suffice it for us to say that the 
Supreme Court has not decided tlicm 
unconstitutional; that tho ablest jurists 
in Air.erica disagree upon the question ; 
and while there it! a doubt upon that 
question, ive icill (jioc our country, and 
not i'ts enemies^, the benefit of that 
doubt. YVe know this, that there is 
nothing in the nature of things which 
need, tend to weaken the arm of the 
rrovcrnment by emancipating the slaves 
of tho rebels as a war measure. And 
we do know that there ie mucli every 
way which tends to weaken the arm of 
n rebel when you move from under it 
the slave that supports it. And we 
know still further, that a loyal man 
stands in no fear of injury 'by a tempo- 
rary suspension of the writ of habeas 
corpus. 

The Chief Justice charges Mr. Lin- 
coln with imbecility, obstinacy, usurpa- 
tion, and fraud in the matter of the 
Emancipation proclamation, in that he 
had refused to issue it, and then per- 
mitted the governors of the loyal States, 
by the aid of the military power he had 
invested them with, to form a combi- 
nation against the government and the 
constitution, whicli assumed such vast 
prqportions that they contemplated hurl- 
inp- Mr. Lincoln from the presidential 
chair unless he issued said proelamation. 
Tliis is a terrible charge, unsupported 
nnd unsupportablc by proof, and we 
trust these loyal governors will respond 
to it ere long in the manner it deserves. 

There was nothing in the G-reeley lot- 
liT, or in the revocation of the Fremont 
and Hunter orders, or in tho interview 
with the Ciiicago Clerical Committee, 
tliat was inconsistent in a military point 
of view with Mr. Lincoln's action upon 
the Emancipation pmclamation. If a 
general, at night, refuses to issue a cer- 
tain order upon suggestion by his sub- 
ordinates, ie he to be charged with fraud 
jud corruption because ho issues the 



same order in the morning? Li hi.s 
Greeley s,etter, which the Chief Justice 
endorses, and in his interview with the 
" Chicago Clerical Committee," Mr. 
Lincoln expressly stated that he had had 
tho matter under consideration, and 
was ready to issue such a proclamation 
when, in his judgment, it would tend to 
■save the Union. 

The Chief Justice mourns over tlie 
fact that there was " not one democratic 
{governor," *' not one democratic Lofjis- 
]:iture to whom Mr. Lincoln could look 
for support and relief," at the time 
these Kcpublican Grovernars were clam- 
orous for radical measures. Oh, how 
Mr. Lincoln must have prayed for a 
democratic governor or legislature to 
have held up his hands in this trying 
hour. Were there none? On the fif- 
teenth of April, 1861, whou Mr. Lincoln 
called for seventy-five thousand volun- 
teers, if we mistake not there were six- 
teen Democratic State Administrations, 
and eighteen Republican. Tiie R> 
publican Governors responded to ti:c 
call. 

'L'he governors of Maryland, Dela- 
ware and New Jersey, v/ho, we believe, 
were democratic, responded. The re- 
maining thirteen States peremptorily 
refused to furnish a man. A portion of 
them were in actual rebellion, and those 
who claimed to be loyal refused to aid the 
government in maintaining its laws. 
But the answer to all this will be, that 
if Mr. Ijincoln had had a Douglas dem- 
ocratic governor or legislature to apply 
to, all would have been well. 

We are not prompted by a partisan 
spirit in what we have said. We regard 
a democrat the same as a Republican, 
so he stands firmly by our country in 
this her hour of trial. 

We care nought for Mr. Lincoln more 
than for Generals Halleck, Curtis, 
Grant, Pope, Butler, Burnside. Kose- 
crans. Hooker, Dix, McClernand Lo- 
gan, and many other of his generals, 
who arc democrats as civilians. No 
supporter of Mr. Lincoln v/ill ever pluck 
one laurel from the wreath of fame that 
encircles their brows. Tlioy will over 
live in the hearts of their countrymen, 
a.s pure and noble patriots, who, in the 
hour of their country's danger, thought 
not of party or self. 

" And n.'^vcr muy they rest unsung, 
While Liberty cau fiiul a tonguo ; 
'rwine, (.lr;ititiiiit«, a wreatii for thijiR 
More (ien.i'.i'.f.'js tUr.n tho tiiad'^us, 
Who, t.) lift's uublodt end, 
(iave up lilV.-i noblest powers, 
And bade the legacy d«3csud, 

i>OW:], d(J^YU tu 113 and QWVi. 



9 



We desire to have Mr. Lincoln 
vindicated. We believe he can be, 
and will be by the impartial histori- 
an, when his administration exists 
only in history. The impartial his- 
torian, as he takes a panoramic view of 
the administration of James Buchanan, 
and Abraham Lincoln, will behold dur- 
ing the administration of James Bu- 
chanan, the foundation of the govern- 
ment being gradually undermined, the 
process of disintegration silently and 
surely progressing, the entire machinery 
of the government disarranged, and the 
operators therein being democrats, occu- 
pying high positions in a democratic ad- 
ministration. As the administration 
draws near its close, he will behold the 
democratic party divided into factions, 
and, in their madness, rending asunder 
the government. The process of disin- 
tegration culminates. 

He beholds Abraham Lincoln as he 
ascends the chair of state, on the fourth 
of March, 1861, amid the falling tim- 
bers of the temple ; he beholds treason 
in the Senate, treason in the House .of 
Representatives, treason in the Judicia- 
ry Department, treason in the Army, 
treason in high places and low, treason 
on every hand, — a fearful tide to stem 
and save the government from its im- 
pending rum. But with a firm reliance 
upon Him who rules in the armies of 
Heaven and among the nations of the 
earth, Abraham Lincoln assumes the 
reins of government with a determined 
purpose to rescue her from this boiling 
and foaming sea of treason. He beholds 
him slowly but surely gathering up the 
disintegrated parts of the government, 
and cementing them together in indis- 
soluble bonds with the blood of patriots, 
voluntarily contributed. He beholds 
the government ultimately saved by the 
administration of Abraham Lincoln. 
Will it mar the beauty of the scene if 
the historian shall see in the dim dis- 
tance a son of Africa, holding aloft a 
scroll, with the Proclamation of Eman- 
cipation inscribed thereon ? 

Does the Chief Justice suppose that 
when this civil war shall cease, and we 
shall be a happy and united people as 
we were wont to be in times past, that 
the historian is going to criticise and 
condemn this or that measure of the ad- 
ministration, adopted in times of great 
peril and public danger, because it was 
of doubtful constitutionality? 

No, the wonder to the historian will 
be, not that Abraham Lincoln made 
mistakes, but rather that he succeeded 



in controlling the machinery of the gov- 
ernment with so little friction. 

The Proclamation of Emancipation 
which now meets with so much opposi- 
tion from genuine and pretended loyalty, 
will be regarded by our posterity in the 
future as the test of genuine loyalty 
during the American civil war. They 
will read it in their churches, school 
houses and families upon each anniver- 
sary ; and it will become an ornamental 
appendage to the family mansion, in- 
stitutions of learning. State and Nation- 
al Capitols, and other public places. In 
the future history of this government, 
it will be regarded as a document sec- 
ond only to the Declaration of In le- 
pendence, and, like that, will render its 
author immortal. The Proclamation of 
Emancipation of January first, 1863, 
is destined to become and remain one of 
the great land marks in the progress of 
civilization long years after the cold and 
calculating pencilings of the Chief Jus- 
tice are consigned to eternal oblivion. 



Since the publication of the foregoing, 
our curiosity has been greatly excited by 
the perusal of a letter, written Feb. 21, 
1863, by the Chief Justice to John T. 
Stewart, member of Congress elect from 
Illinois, for we are now unable to divine 
the motive that prompted the Seymour 
letter. We had supposed that the Sey- 
mour letter was intended for publication 
for the purpose of warning the democ- 
racy against wandering after strange 
god& ; but, from the Stewart letter, we 
learn that the Seymour letter was a pri- 
vate one, not written for publication. 
For in that letter the Chief Justice 
says — 

'On the day I left, Springfield, you were pleased 
to express your approval of my paper to Governor 
Seymour. I last night received a letter from a 
mutual friend of Governor Seymour and myself, 
in New York, stating that the Governor had 
sent him the paper with the request to see it put 
in ))rint, and desiring my permission to do sc. 
Before deciding, I wish to tnke yaur opinion en 
the subject." 

We say again, after reading the Stew- 
art letter, we can arrive at no satisfac- 
tory conclusion as to the motive that 
prompted the Seymour letter. 

Was the Chief Justice apprehensive 
that Governor Seymour would place the 
State government and democracy in a 
position of antagonism to the Federal 
Grovernment, and wrote the letter with 
an honest desire to dissuade the Grov- 
ernor therefrom ? if so, the motive w^as 
a most estimable one. 

But the Chief Justice had no suoh 



10 



apprehensions, for, in speaking of Sey- 
mour, to Mr. Stewart he says, — 

"He is an able and sagacious statesman who 
desires the welfare of his cmntrr, and the resto- 
ration of the Union above all things." 

Was tlie cbief Justice apprehensive 
that the democracy would not support 
the war ? 

His laboriouB argument in the Sey- 
mour letter to demonstrate the necessity 
of an unwavering support of the war 
by the democracy, would geem to be 
conclusive evidence that he did indulge 
in such apprehensions, else wherein con- 
sists the necessity of the argument. 

Then if the Chief Justice did indulge 
in such apprehensions, and believed, as 
he says, that opposition to the war on 
the part of the democracy would result 
in disaster and ruin to the Government, 
what was his duty in the premises as a 
wise and sagacious statesman and pa- 
triot ? was it not his duty "to cry 
aloud, and spare not?" Should he not 
have disregarded self, party, friend and 
foe, 'and counted all things lost,' if there- 
by he could have accomplished aught for 
the salvation of his country ? 

The people of the State of Illinois 
have clothed him with her judicial er- 
mine, for the express purpose of enabling 
him to exercise the high prerogative of 
a guardian of her laws ; and as such 
guardian they have a right to expect 
that he will difFuse his liglit and knowl- 
edge through the body politic, and not 
hide it under a bushel. But the Chief 
Justice seems to have thought otherwise 
for a time. 

On the 18th of December, ISGli, wo 
learn that the Chief Justice was posses- 
Bcd of a great light, of which he says : 

" There never was a clearer liglit shining before- 
public men than that which illuminates the w.ay 
in which we should walk." 

On said day he delivers said light to 
Governor Seymour, who secreted it in 
his executive mansion until about the 
first of February, when he delivered it 
to a mutual friend of the Governor and 
Chief Justice, with a request that it 
might be set upon a hill. The friend 
asked permission of the Chief Justice ; 
the Chief Justice, fearful perliaps that 
if his light was set upon a hill, the bril- 
lianr'-y of its rays might blind the eyes 
of the democratic masses, so that they 
could not sec to follow in his pathway. 
on the fourth of February, 11:^03, sowght 
the advice of Jlr. Stewart in the prem- 
ises. 

Mr. Stewart, in the following lan- 
guage, advised the chief Justice to place 
Eis light upon a hill : — " I believe that 



such views promulgated by a man of 
your standing in the democratic party, 
and in the State, would exert a whole- 
some influence upon public opinion, and 
tend to check it from running to ex- 
tremes, as it is very liable to do in times 
of high party excitement like the pres- 
ent. In my opinion, that is the exact 
danger to which the democratic party 
[not the country] is exposed." The 
letter was lir.st published in the New 
York Argus, about the eleventh of 
Marcli, 18G3, and in the Ottawa Free 
Trader on the twenty-first of the same 
month. 

If the Chief Justice's heart and con- 
science were convinced that his light 
must be followed by the democratic 
party if they would save the country, 
why should he hesitate or delay placing 
his light upon one of the ancient land- 
marks of democracy, where its rays 
might permeate her waste places, set on 
fire and consume her junglce, with its 
hissing copperheads. 

Why should the Chief Justice of the 
State of Illinois ask the advice of Mr. 
Stewart, upon the propriety of publish- 
ing his views as to "the position and 
policy of the democratic party." It 
was not to convince liis judgment thtit 
such position and policy were correct,, 
for he affirmed that his judgment was 
already convinced upon that point. 

He was also convinced that the sal- 
vation of the democratic party depended 
upon a support of the war ; was the 
Chief Justice apprehensive that the pub- 
licity of his views would leave him in 
the rear, exposed to the malignant hiss- 
ings of the copperhead portion of the 
family ? Let an intelligent people judge. 

We should be slow to attribute such 
motives to the Chief Justice at this 
time, if it was not for the monstrous 
proposition contained in the Seymour 
and Stewart letters, that the adminip' 
tration and its supporters should be per- 
mitted to win the necessary victories,. 
and they, the democrats, would then 
arrange terms of peace : we quote his 
language : 

" But peace will be easier accompliahed by us if 
the necessary victories are won by them, than if 
we are the instruments of the ucce.ssary successes 
iu the field." 

The idea is, that the democracy "must 
.«npport the war," to enable- the admin- 
istration to win victories over the rebels, 
so that, having won such victories, they 
cahnot easily arrange tarms of peace, 
while, at the same time, the democratic 
party will condemn the proclamation, 
thereby increase the ascendency of the 



r^omnpratic party, f.-mciiiate the rebels, 

t'iect a de»riocr;itic admini.SLratinn. when 

they can make poaoe with the rebels "un 

;he old basis, v/ith further cuarantecs 
... . , j^ , , 

lor their Jepritmi.t'e rignt?, if ncoo.ssary, 
(the robcl*. w* i^upposc. vo bo th(? judtf- 
es of the nc.-eHsity. ) Yes. after th»? 
adniinif<tratif)n lias conqnerrd the rebels, 
r.hcn the democracy will boar to thom 
the olive branch of peace. 

<.)h I Southern rhivalrv I wilt thou 
not, in that dread hour, appreciate the 
magnaniiaity <if thy former allien, when 
they say to you — we raised not the hand 
rhat struck the fatal blow ; we only tokl 
dio radicals to punish you, but not to 
molest your niggers ; we opposed the 
proclamation, and we will return unto 
you all your niggovh, if you r/ill again 
live with us on terms of peace and ami- 
ty: we huinbly beseech you to grant 
unto us this great boon, for if you do 
not. your niggers will certainly "get on 
an equality with u:-;. " 

Yes, the nigger is de.-^tincd to become 
the olive branch of peace whenever the 
sceptre of power is restored unto the 
democratic party. 

'J'he Chief Justice reiterates his ar- 
gument about the saving influences of 
the democratic party, and "plantation 
markets." We are sorry to say that 
these two things seem to be uppermost 
and foremost in his mind, and their ef- 
fect upon his mental vision have been 
most saddening, as witness the state- 
ment that the radicals are determined 
to make peace on a basis of separation, 
as soon as they can do so with safety. 
Tha Chief Justice may believe this 
Ptatement, but, if he docs, his belief is 
founded upon a faith "which is the 
t-ubstance of tilings hoped for, and the 
evidence of things not seen." 

Did any republican governor or legis- 
lature ever propose terms of peace on a 
basis of separation ? ^ever. We chal- 
lenge the proof. What party introduced 
peace resolutions in the legislatures of 
nearly all the North-western States dur- 
ing the past winter? what party made 
midnight hideous with their insane 
liowling,-^ for peace, at our State Capitol 
the paat winter V who proposed to send 
the Chief Justice on a peace mission to 
the Southern confederacy? 

Was it supporters of Mr. Lincoln ? 
No ! God forbid ! wo introduce Lord 
Lyons as a witness upon this peace point. 

In his letter to Earl Russell, Nov. 17, 
18G2, when speaking of the fact that 
fievorjkl kaM-s of the democratic party 
f-ougbt interviews with bim after the 



elections, he said — '■ At the botton I 
thought 1 perceived a desire to put an 
end to the war, even at the ri^^k of los- 
ing 1:ho Southern States altogeth*»r ; bat 
it was plain it was not thought prude.'^if, 
to avow ihi.s (Ji'sire." 

■They maintain that the* ohject of thr 
military operations should bo to plac* 
the North in a position to demand an 
armistice with honor, ami with effect.'' 

" Tboy are, no doubt, well awaro that 
the more probable consequence of an 
armistice would bo the o>tablishmcnt of 
Southern independence." 

According to the testhnony of Lord 
Lyons, the leaders of the democratic 
party were in favor of peace, but they 
bad not the power then to make peace : 
therefore the Chief Justice is oppo.'^od to 
peace, until he has done for the support- 
er.'? of -Mr. Lincoln what David of old — 
when ho had done that thing that di.<- 
plcased the Lord—did fcr Uriah. To 
tlie Chief Justice the spoils of oiliee art* 
very beautiful to look upon, and he pay.-< 
unto tlie democracy, — Let us set tbe re- 
p-ublicans in the foremost of the hotte.H 
battle, and retire from them, that they 
may be smitten and die. Then I ran 
take to my arms "Bathsbeba," (the 
spoils of office, ) and peace will surely 
follow. 

" wise and upright Jtidgo." 

If the leaders of the adminit;tratiois 
party desired peace on a basis of sepa- 
ration, why did they not permit their 
"wayward sisters" to depart in peace'.' 
Tiiirtccn democratic governors we'e iu 
favor of letting them so depart, and to 
go with them ; eighteen republican and 
three democratic governors were oppos- 
ed to their so departing, and under the 
direction of Mr. Lincoln, have sent into 
the field one million of armed men to 
compel obedience to the laws. The 
supporters of Mr. Lincoln, and war dfiu- 
ocrats, have poured out their blood and 
treasure freely and volimtarily ; thous- 
ands have fallen by disea.se and upon 
the tield of conflict ; the bones of our 
countrymen have enriched the soil of 
southern plantations ; and now, forsooth, 
the .Chief Justice makes the inhuman 
charge — 

'■ That many of those Governors were bold, bad 
meiijWlio would t)Crujjlc at notliiu/jto attaiu their 
ondij, t'von to ovcrturniug of the tJovernmeat , aud 
a daring usurpation." 

This charge, in due time, will recoil 
upon the head of the Chief Justice with 
"cru.shing power." Is Richard Yates, 
who has been bold in the advocacy o. 
all the war measures of the administra- 
tion, a "bad man'.'" Let the care- 



worn veterans of many a well fought 
field, who have been the reeiplevits of 
bis kind and paternal care answer. 

The rebellious people are worthy to 
be the recipients of humane and chris- 
tian treatment from the Chief Justice, 
while the leaders of the party that is 
endeavoring to compel obedience to the 
hiws, is worthy only of his severest ani- 
madversions The Union can only be 
saved by the democratic party, and they 
must become all-powerful everywhere. 
Thf domocratie party posses^^ed not the 
pjwor to provent self-disintegration, but 
it is all puwerful to save the country 
from the dire results of such disintegra- 
tion. How insulting to common intelli- 
gence ; and how can a statesman pursue 
such a line of argument when he ap- 
preciates the cause of this rebellion. 

Slavery commenced an assa,ult upon 
Freedom, and the two systems arc now 
in deadly conflict. AH history verities 
tlie assertion that when two such antag- 
onistic .systems collide with each other, 
there is j>o compromise, no peace, until 
one or the other practically perishes. 
T'hc Government is on the side of free- 
dun, and the rebellion on the side of 
slavery; "choose ye this day whom ye 
will serve." Slavery is a radical, unre- 
lenting power, and to contend with it 
successfully, you must meet it with rad- 
ical opposition. Conservative blows 
may brui.se the serpent's head, but only 
radical blows can inflict the mortal 
wound. The Chief Justice may labor 
tu prosecute the war upon what he is 
pleased to term conservative principles, 
but he will labor ingloriously. He must 
array himself radically on one side or 
the other of the issue, or be ground to 
pieces between the upper a!id nether 
millstones of their power. 

Shall ihe Government or Slavery per- 
ish, is a question which every man must 
decide for himself. The people of the 
State of Illinois have conferred upon 
the Chief Justice her highest Judicial 
honors, and they have a right to expect, 
yea, demand, that when liis country's 
honor and welfare arc at stake, lie shall 
rise above the sordid and selfish motiyos 
that prompt the mouthing politician to 
rant about party, and party influences : 



the consequences are too va.«t and mo- 
mentous to justify the calculation of 
party success upon the settlement of the 
issue. 

The American Republic cost its foun- 
ders seven years' expenditure of blood 
and treasure ; what American can con- 
template the history of that Revolution- 
ary struggle, with all its grand and 
glorious results, without feeling the in- 
spirations of its actors descending from 
above and upon him, inciting him to 
omulate their brave and heroic deeds in 
<k'fcnf-e of their country. When we 
turn to the Declaration of Independence 
and read the immortal sentiment — "that 
all men are created equal, and endowed 
by their CVeator with certain inalienable 
lights, among which are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness," and, in 
our imaginations, behold its illustrious 
signers, standing erect before God and 
solemnly pledging their lives, fortunes, 
and sacred honor in defence thereof ; 
when we trace them by the blood-stained 
snow, unconquered and undismayed by 
disaster and defeat, pressing on and still 
onward until they have driven the Bri- 
tish Lion to his lair, and redeemed their 
pledge, we do not feel like turning 
our eyes towards Southern plantations, 
tilled by slaves, and calculating the price 
of mules in her markets, but we feel 
like looking toward God to obtain 
a glimpse, if possible, of the sainted 
forms of those departed heroes. 

My countrymen! remember that their 
spirits are looking out from their immor- 
tal abodes upon tliis .mortal combat be- 
tween freedom and slavery ; with an- 
gelic emotion, they await the final onset 
of freedom, which shall result in the 
discomfiture of slavery. Press on and 
unward to the charge, until you have 
put all enemies of your country under 
your feet, ever remembering that what- 
ever unavoidable errors you may corpmit 
in your zeal for your country's honor they 
will not be brought up in judgment against 
you by a grateful people; and should 
"the Recording Angel fly up to Heaven's 
chancery with such errors, and blush as 
lie gives them in, the Angel of Mercy 
will drop a tear upon them, and blot 
them out forever." 



60 




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